Why Indian families don't talk about feelings — and what that does to your inner life.
You're at dinner. Someone asks how you're doing. You start to say something honest. Your mother passes the dal. Your father makes a joke about the dal. Someone changes the subject to the cousin who just got engaged. The honest sentence you started to say sits unfinished on the table for a moment, and then it dissolves, and the dinner moves on, and by the time you're brushing your teeth that night you can no longer remember what you had been about to say.
This is how feelings are handled in most Indian families, and the handling is not malicious. It is, in many cases, the careful work of people who love you. They are, by long training, dispersing what looked like weather before it could become a storm. They are managing the room. They are doing what they have always done, which is what was done for them, which is what was done for them.
The cost of all that careful handling, accumulated over decades, is a particular kind of inner life — articulate about the world, fluent about other people, and strangely tongue-tied about itself. If this is the inner life you grew up with, it is worth taking seriously, because it changes what reflection has to do.
Where the silence comes from
The silence is not, despite the popular framing, a personal failing of Indian parents. It is the residue of a specific cultural history, and understanding the history makes it easier to hold without resentment.
The Dutch psychologist Geert Hofstede's cross-cultural research, conducted across IBM offices in fifty countries between 1967 and 1973 and replicated many times since, found that India scored relatively high on what he called collectivism and power distance — two cultural dimensions that quietly determine how feelings get expressed in a family.1 In a collectivist culture, the unit of identity is the family or community rather than the individual. In a high-power-distance culture, hierarchy is preserved through restraint and deference. Together, these two dimensions produce a specific kind of family conversation: one in which expressing private emotional states is taken to be an imposition on the collective, and one in which younger members are expected to absorb rather than articulate.
This is reinforced by what cross-cultural psychologists Hazel Markus and Shinobu Kitayama, in a much-cited 1991 paper, called the interdependent self-construal — the way many non-Western cultures organise the sense of self around relationships rather than around individual interiority.2 A child raised in an interdependent culture learns, before she can name it, that her feelings are most usefully understood through their effect on others. I am sad is less salient than I am making my mother worry. The first sentence may not even occur; the second one will, and it will produce silence rather than expression.
Sudhir Kakar, the Indian psychoanalyst whose work in the 1970s and 80s opened up the formal study of the Indian psyche, framed it more pointedly. In his 1978 book The Inner World, he argued that the strong attachment to the maternal-familial environment in Indian childhood produces an adult self with a deeply relational core — exquisitely tuned to others' moods and rarely fluent in its own.3 The fluency was never developed, because it was never required. The family did the emotional work for you, in the form of food, jokes, change-of-subject, and the long, comfortable silence that fills the gaps between cousins.
This is, on balance, not a deficient way to organise a family. It produces resilience, deep loyalty, and a kind of distributed emotional intelligence that more individualist cultures lose. The cost is that the individual member, when she eventually needs to speak about what is happening inside her, often finds she does not have the language for it — because the family that loved her never asked her to develop the language.
What it does to the inner life
A few specific consequences are worth naming, because they tend to surface in the same form across many Indian adults who eventually attempt some form of reflection.
The internal monologue is over-articulate about the world and under-articulate about the self. You can describe in fine detail what your manager said, what your sister did, what the political situation requires you to think. When asked what you are feeling, you reach for a small handful of broad words — fine, stressed, tired — and stop. This isn't because the inner content is missing. It's because the muscle for naming it was never trained.
Distress is expressed in physical, not psychological, language. Across South Asia, the standard idiom for emotional difficulty has historically been somatic — my head is hot, my heart is heavy, my body is not in my hands. This is not a metaphor in the way it would be in English. It is the actual register the culture provides for emotional content. A meta-analysis of mental health presentations across cultures consistently finds higher rates of somatic complaint and lower rates of explicit psychological complaint among South Asian patients.4 You came in with a stomach problem. The stomach problem turned out to be a long-running grief.
The inner critic borrows the family's voice. Log kya kahenge — what will people say — is not, despite what diaspora memes suggest, primarily an external constraint. It is, after enough years, an internalised voice. Your own inner critic begins to use the same vocabulary your aunts use. The voice that judges your decisions sounds, on close inspection, exactly like the family group chat. This is what the social psychologist Hazel Markus referred to, in a related vein, as the collective self — the part of the inner life that is composed of the relationships and obligations one is embedded in.5 In high-collectivist cultures, the collective self is large. The inner critic gets crowded.
The treatment gap is enormous. The Lancet Mental Health Treatment Gap in India analyses, drawing on data from the National Mental Health Survey of India, have repeatedly found that the gap between people who would benefit from formal mental health treatment and people who actually receive it is between 70% and 92%, depending on the condition.6 This is not because Indians are less psychologically distressed. It is, in part, because the cultural script for what to do with distress does not include "go and speak to a stranger about it." The script includes endure, eat well, get married, find god, focus on your career, do your duty, and the distress will subside.
For most people, the script works for a while and then it stops working, often in the late twenties or thirties, often during a life transition. By that point, the muscle for psychological language is so under-developed that the person doesn't know where to start.
What reflection can do where conversation can't
The honest position is that, for many Indian adults, the family conversation about feelings is not going to happen. The aunts are not going to start asking different questions. The mother is not going to suddenly become curious about your interior. The father is not going to tell you, on a Sunday afternoon, what he was actually frightened of for the forty years he was raising you. These are not realistic outcomes. Hoping for them produces, mostly, more disappointment.
What can happen, and what is worth taking seriously, is the development of the language privately, in a place where the family's pattern of redirection cannot reach. This is what reflection — written, structured, regular — does at its best.
There is a well-replicated finding from James Pennebaker's expressive-writing research that improvements in psychological and physical health are predicted by the development of an articulate vocabulary for one's own emotional states over time — not by the intensity of feeling expressed in any single entry.7 The therapeutic mechanism, in other words, is the building of fluency, sentence by sentence, week by week. People in cultures where the spoken vocabulary is rich about emotion arrive at this fluency through conversation. People in cultures where it isn't can still arrive at it. They just have to do it on the page.
This is one of the few cases in which writing genuinely cannot be replaced by talking. The conversation isn't available. The page is. And the page, used regularly, builds the muscle that the family did not.
A small structure for someone starting from scratch:
1. Use the somatic register first. If your culturally trained instinct is to describe difficulty through the body, use that. Begin entries with my chest, my stomach, my head, my shoulders. The body is the honest layer underneath the suppressed emotional layer, and the somatic vocabulary has been available to you all along.
2. Write what you would have said at the dinner table, if the dinner table had let you. Not to send. Not to share. Just to finish the sentence the dal interrupted. Many people are surprised, doing this, by how many such sentences accumulate in a year.
3. Code-switch where it helps. If you grew up in two languages, allow both onto the page. Some feelings have cleaner words in Hindi or Marathi or Tamil than they do in English, and forcing them into a single language will lose half of what they were trying to be.
A note on what we're building
Loopn is built, in part, for this kind of reader. The product is in English but it understands Hinglish naturally, and it is designed for the long-term construction of an emotional vocabulary rather than for the production of single dramatic entries. The Sunday Loop is what surfaces the language as it slowly develops — the words that begin to appear, in your own writing, that were not available to you a year ago. We think this is a particularly important thing for people raised in families where the conversation never happened, because the absence of the family conversation is not the absence of the inner life. It is the absence of the language for it. The language can be built. We're trying to make a place where it can be.
If any of this resonated, you can read more about why your relationship patterns keep repeating or how to journal about a difficult parent without making it about them.
- Hofstede, G. (2001). Culture's Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions and Organizations Across Nations (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage. India's scores on the Hofstede dimensions are 48 on individualism (i.e., relatively collectivist) and 77 on power distance — both findings replicated in subsequent cross-cultural surveys.
- Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98(2), 224–253.
- Kakar, S. (1978). The Inner World: A Psycho-analytic Study of Childhood and Society in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
- For a representative review, see Kirmayer, L. J. (2001). Cultural variations in the clinical presentation of depression and anxiety: Implications for diagnosis and treatment. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 62(Suppl 13), 22–28. For South Asian populations specifically, see Sumathipala, A., Siribaddana, S. H., & Bhugra, D. (2004). Culture-bound syndromes: The story of dhat syndrome. British Journal of Psychiatry, 184, 200–209.
- Markus, H. R., & Cross, S. E. (1990). The interpersonal self. In L. A. Pervin (Ed.), Handbook of Personality: Theory and Research (pp. 576–608). New York: Guilford Press.
- National Mental Health Survey of India, 2015–16 (NIMHANS, Bangalore). The treatment gap figures are summarised in Gururaj, G., Varghese, M., Benegal, V., Rao, G. N., Pathak, K., Singh, L. K., et al. (2016). National Mental Health Survey of India, 2015–16: Prevalence, Patterns and Outcomes. National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences, NIMHANS Publication No. 129.
- Pennebaker, J. W., & Chung, C. K. (2011). Expressive writing: Connections to physical and mental health. In H. S. Friedman (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Health Psychology (pp. 417–437). New York: Oxford University Press.