You bought one in January. The cover was good. The paper was nice. There were three lines for the morning and three lines for the night, and the lines were labelled in a friendly handwriting font: I am grateful for…
You wrote in it for eleven days. The first three were fine. The next four felt slightly forced. By day eight you were repeating yourself — coffee, my partner, that the wifi worked. By day eleven you stopped, and the journal sat on your bedside table for the rest of the year, slightly accusing you, until you put it in a drawer.
You assumed, at the time, that this was a personal failure. Most people who buy gratitude journals assume the same. The evidence, when you look at it carefully, suggests it was not.
The study that started everything
The reason gratitude journaling is everywhere is mostly traceable to one paper. In 2003, the psychologists Robert Emmons and Michael McCullough published a study in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology in which they asked people to keep one of three kinds of weekly diaries: a list of things they were grateful for, a list of things that had hassled them, or a list of neutral life events.1
After ten weeks, the gratitude group reported feeling better about life as a whole than the hassles group did. They reported more optimism, slightly better sleep, more time spent exercising. The effect sizes were modest — but the design was clean, the result was tidy, and the paper was widely covered. The gratitude journal, as a popular product, more or less dates from this study.
The trouble is that almost everything that came after has been less clean than the original paper, and the cumulative picture is more complicated than the popular-press version suggests.
What the meta-analyses actually say
In 2016, a research group led by Don Davis at Georgia State published a meta-analysis of gratitude interventions, drawing on 38 studies and several thousand participants.2 Their conclusion was carefully worded. Gratitude interventions did produce small benefits — but, crucially, mostly on measures of gratitude itself, and only modestly on measures of well-being or depressive symptoms. When the comparison was a genuinely active control condition (rather than no treatment at all), the effects often vanished.
In 2021, a second meta-analysis, this time focused specifically on gratitude as a treatment for depression and anxiety, was published by David Cregg and Jennifer Cheavens at Ohio State.3 Their summary, drawing on 27 randomised trials, was that gratitude interventions had at best small effects on depressive symptoms and effectively no measurable effect on anxiety. Their recommendation was that gratitude practice should not be presented as a self-help treatment for these conditions.
This is not the picture you'd get from the marketing.
The honest summary of the literature, as of now, looks something like this. Gratitude practices help some people, modestly, in some conditions, when the practice is genuine and the person is already in a position to benefit. They are not a transformational intervention. They are not a substitute for therapy. They are not, on the whole, a major behavioural lever.
The selection effect
A second, quieter problem with the popular version of the gratitude story is that the studies that show the strongest effects tend to be on participants who are already inclined toward the practice — psychology undergraduates, self-selected app users, motivated meditators. Sonja Lyubomirsky and her collaborators have written carefully about this, noting that positive interventions consistently work better for people who want to do them, believe in them, and match the intervention to their personality.4
Translated: gratitude journaling works for people for whom gratitude journaling works. This is not a tautology so much as a warning. The intervention is not the active ingredient. The fit between the intervention and the person is.
If you bought a gratitude journal because the cover was nice and the cultural air was full of recommendations for it, the fit is, for many people, bad. The bad fit is not your failure. It is the result of a generic intervention being marketed as a universal one.
The crowding-out problem
Here is where the case against gratitude journaling sharpens, and it is the case least often made.
The fifteen minutes you spend each evening writing three things you are grateful for is fifteen minutes you do not spend writing about the conversation that actually mattered today. The structure of the gratitude prompt — what went well, what I appreciate, what I am thankful for — directs your attention away from what was difficult. This is not a side effect. It is, by design, the entire point of the practice.
For people whose lives are roughly stable and whose default mood is mildly negative, the redirection is sometimes useful. For people who are in the middle of something difficult, the redirection is corrosive. Susan David, the Harvard psychologist, has written extensively about what she calls emotional bypass — the cultural pressure to perform contentment in ways that crowd out the more honest reflection a difficult moment requires.5 The gratitude journal, in a difficult month, is one of the most efficient bypass machines on offer. It keeps your attention away from precisely what your attention would otherwise have to face.
There is a second, related point. Forced positive emphasis tends to backfire. Iris Mauss and her collaborators at Berkeley have published a series of studies showing that the more strongly people try to be happy — particularly when they treat happiness as a goal rather than a byproduct — the worse their actual mood tends to become.6 The gratitude prompt is, structurally, a happiness-as-goal device. The harder you try to find three things to be grateful for, the more your noticing apparatus is being trained to filter for positivity. The filtering, over time, narrows what you can see.
What the practice does well, and what to use instead
It is worth being fair to the underlying skill. Noticing is a real and useful capacity. Becoming the kind of person who registers, in passing, the warmth of a cup of tea or the small kindness of a stranger is a meaningful shift in the texture of attention.
The problem is not noticing. The problem is the specific structure of the daily-three-things prompt, which reduces noticing to a quota system and then asks you to fill the quota out loud. Most people who are genuinely good at appreciating small things don't write them down on a list. They notice them and move on.
If you wanted to keep what is useful in gratitude practice and lose what isn't, three approximate rules:
Drop the daily. A weekly check-in with what felt nourishing in the past seven days will do more, with less performance, than a daily list. The frequency of the list is what makes it forced. The weekly version captures the same content with more honesty and less ritual fatigue.
Don't constrain to positive. A weekly journal that asks what was the most alive thing I felt this week, in any direction is a more honest practice than one that asks for three positives. You don't lose the gratitude. You stop pretending it's the only emotion you had.
Use it when it fits, not when it's marketed. The research is clear that positive interventions work best when they match the person. If you are someone for whom celebrating small wins is genuinely motivating, gratitude practice is fine. If you are someone for whom enforced positivity makes the room get smaller, it is doing harm. Honour your own data over the cultural script.
A note on what we're building
Loopn is not a gratitude journal. It is closer to the opposite. The Sunday Loop is designed to surface what was actually moving in your week — including, often especially, what was difficult, ambivalent, or unresolved. We don't hand you a quota of positive feelings to fill. We pay attention to what you wrote and show you, gently, where the writing is going.
The deeper bet is that what helps people over time is not the daily performance of positive emotion. It is the slow, honest noticing of how your inner life is actually structured. That kind of noticing has no shortcut and no quota. It is what a real journal is for.
If any of this resonated, you can read more about the difference between venting and reflecting or self-awareness is not the same as self-criticism.
- Emmons, R. A., & McCullough, M. E. (2003). Counting blessings versus burdens: An experimental investigation of gratitude and subjective well-being in daily life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84(2), 377–389.
- Davis, D. E., Choe, E., Meyers, J., Wade, N., Varjas, K., Gifford, A., et al. (2016). Thankful for the little things: A meta-analysis of gratitude interventions. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 63(1), 20–31.
- Cregg, D. R., & Cheavens, J. S. (2021). Gratitude interventions: Effective self-help? A meta-analysis of the impact on symptoms of depression and anxiety. Journal of Happiness Studies, 22(1), 413–445.
- Sin, N. L., & Lyubomirsky, S. (2009). Enhancing well-being and alleviating depressive symptoms with positive psychology interventions: A practice-friendly meta-analysis. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 65(5), 467–487.
- David, S. (2016). Emotional Agility: Get Unstuck, Embrace Change, and Thrive in Work and Life. New York: Avery. The argument is also developed in David, S., & Congleton, C. (2013). Emotional agility. Harvard Business Review, November 2013.
- Mauss, I. B., Tamir, M., Anderson, C. L., & Savino, N. S. (2011). Can seeking happiness make people unhappy? Paradoxical effects of valuing happiness. Emotion, 11(4), 807–815.